Botswana’s democracy was tested in 2024 when, for the first time since independence in 1966, voters ushered in a change of government. The longtime ruling Botswana Democratic Party, led by former President Mokgweetsi Masisi, was decisively defeated by the Umbrella for Democratic Change in an election that recorded turnout of more than 80%. In the run-up to the vote, a combination of corruption allegations, unmet expectations and public frustration over economic hardship left the BDP vulnerable. The party was further weakened by Masisi’s often contentious public statements and delayed primary elections after some candidates were excluded during vetting in favor of Masisi’s preferred nominees. The BDP ultimately secured only four parliamentary seats, while the UDC won 36, enabling it to form a government. Notably, the BDP fell victim to the first-past-the-post electoral system, receiving fewer seats despite a higher vote share than the Botswana Congress Party (BCP). The BCP emerged as the main opposition with 15 seats. The outcome underscored the resilience of Botswana’s democratic institutions. The BDP handed over power peacefully, and expectations are growing that the judiciary – previously criticized for executive influence – will become more independent. President Duma Boko has pledged to lead a human rights-based government, raising hopes that democratic practices will deepen. Early signs point to a widening of civic space. Several groups have held peaceful demonstrations and submitted petitions to raise grievances, activities that were uncommon under previous BDP administrations. The government has also sought to revive Tswana traditions of consultation, including hosting a Budget Pitso and restoring the All-Party Conference, with plans underway to reestablish the Public Service Bargaining Council.
However, on the economic front, the new administration inherited a fragile economy, with government investment accounts and foreign reserves nearly depleted. It faces the challenge of revitalizing growth, diversifying away from diamonds and creating jobs for a large pool of unemployed graduates. Moreover, President Boko’s administration has the mammoth task of implementing many of its electoral promises that arguably catapulted the UDC to power, including a minimum wage of BWP 4,000.00, an old-age pension of BWP 1,800.00 and the creation of 450,000 jobs. Some businesses, including major retail chains, have already signaled support for the proposed minimum wage. The recent lifting of vegetable and grain import bans is expected to strengthen trade ties with neighbors such as South Africa. As the new government begins to implement its agenda, the recently concluded diamond agreement with De Beers is expected to support growth and help it meet its mandate.
Botswana has long been regarded as Africa’s beacon of democracy since its independence in 1966. Its consistent record of peaceful elections has been a hallmark of democratic practice. When many African countries returned to multiparty rule in the early 1990s, Botswana’s reputation for good governance was already well established and widely celebrated. Despite this record, one-party dominance under the Botswana Democratic Party shaped the country’s party system for nearly six decades. Still, multiparty democracy endured, and historic splits in the BDP in 2010 and 2019 marked a turning point in its electoral dominance as its popular vote declined following the formation of the Botswana Movement for Democracy and the Botswana Patriotic Front.
From 2008 to 2018, however, the Ian Khama administration cast a shadow over Botswana’s democratic credentials as media freedom and civil liberties declined. Freedom House downgraded Botswana from “free” to “partly free” following incidents involving the harassment of journalists and alleged human rights abuses. These actions were attributed to the Directorate on Intelligence and Security Services (DSISS), a state security agency accused of monitoring political opponents beyond its intelligence-gathering mandate.
In 2018, Khama stepped down and was succeeded by Mokgweetsi Masisi. The new administration soon faced political and economic challenges stemming from its fallout with Khama and the global COVID-19 pandemic. The Masisi government continued to use the DISS in its pursuit of Khama and his associates, a bitter dispute that threatened to divide the country. Allegations involving 100 billion pula in stolen funds formed the basis of investigations into Khama’s inner circle, ultimately prompting Khama and members of his family to go into self-imposed exile in South Africa. Botswana’s democratic culture also came under strain when other state security agencies, including the police, at times disrupted kgotla meetings in the Central District as Bangwato gathered to address tribal issues. The government suspected the meetings were being used to discuss the political fallout between Masisi and his predecessor. Such developments ran counter to Botswana’s democratic tradition, which is rooted in the kgotla as a forum for consultation.
The COVID-19 pandemic severely disrupted the economy, forcing the government to prioritize public health and declare a state of emergency. At the same time, the administration committed to shifting from a mineral-based to a knowledge-based economy, promoting electric vehicles and strengthening agriculture.
Corruption at senior levels grew following the suspension of public procurement procedures and the direct appointment of companies to supply personal protective equipment. Beyond COVID-19-related allegations, the direct awarding of tenders in a multimillion-pula water project to firms reportedly linked to Masisi’s sister became a recurring issue. Although no longer in office, Masisi’s efforts to renegotiate terms with De Beers and impose import bans remain key elements of his legacy. Botswana continues to grapple with an undiversified economy heavily dependent on diamonds, despite decades of rapid growth driven by mining revenues. Against a backdrop of corruption, high unemployment and widening inequality, the BDP suffered a historic defeat in the 2024 elections.
The state possesses an absolute monopoly on the use of force, which extends throughout the entire territory. Through state security agencies such as the Botswana Defense Force, the Botswana Police and the Directorate on Intelligence and Security Services, the state has been able to cover Botswana’s vast territory and exercise its authority without challenge from any political, social or military group.
Monopoly on the use of force
Generally, the notion of the nation-state is largely uncontested in Botswana, and the population broadly accepts it as legitimate. In addition to the eight major Tswana groups recognized in the constitution – Balete, Batawana, Bangwaketse, Barolong, Bangwato, Bakwena, Batlokwa and Bakgatla – there are at least 37 other ethnic groups in the country. Prominent non-Tswana-speaking communities include the Bakalanga, Baherero, Basarwa, Bayei, Babirwa and Basubiya. Although some groups have sought constitutional recognition, access to citizenship is granted equally. The government does not discriminate among groups in conferring citizenship rights, despite inconsistencies in the country’s laws.
Botswana is home to multiple religions. Religious groups, however, do not challenge the authority of the state because Botswana is a secular country. The state remains neutral on matters of religion.
State identity
In Botswana, the state is secular, and religion does not influence the legal order or political institutions. Botswana’s secular state is grounded in freedom of religion, which is enshrined in the constitution and guarantees the right to practice a religion of one’s choice. In recent years, however, the Evangelical Fellowship of Botswana has adopted an anti-LGBTQ+ stance and staged protests to amplify its concerns. The church became increasingly vocal in the run-up to the 2024 general elections, warning politicians who supported legislation to decriminalize same-sex relations.
Although the law criminalizes insults to religion and actions that wound religious feelings, the U.S. State Department reports that there have been no prosecutions or convictions under these provisions.
No interference of religious dogmas
Botswana’s administrative structures are widely available, accessible and differentiated, enabling the state to deliver essential services in urban, semiurban and rural areas, including potable water, electricity and basic sanitation. World Bank’s World Development Indicators show that in 2022, access to a basic water source stood at 92.6%, access to basic sanitation at 80.6% and access to electricity at 75.9%. In some instances, however, the state faces challenges, including limited resources, corruption and bureaucratic inefficiencies that affect service delivery. The country’s sparse population distribution creates major engineering and financial obstacles to developing water infrastructure. Regarding sanitation, about 11% of the population has no access to facilities and relies on unsanitary hygiene practices. This is partly due to the country’s size and low population density, which make infrastructure projects costly. In addition to these factors, access to electricity is sometimes disrupted by persistent theft of electrical cables.
Basic administration
Political representation is ensured through regular, free and relatively fair elections, a hallmark of Botswana’s democracy. General elections are held every five years, and the legal framework allows political parties to register and candidates to contest office on platforms of their choice. The constitution and electoral law also protect citizens’ right to vote by secret ballot. Polling is widely accessible and relatively secure. The constitution provides for an Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) that oversees voter registration, administers elections and verifies and counts ballots. Challenges remain, however, over the body’s impartiality, particularly its independence from the executive. The IEC is overseen by the Office of the President in matters relating to staffing and resources. In the run-up to the 2024 elections, the commission came under scrutiny for its management of voter registration and the verification of voter rolls. Amid suspicions of interference, the UDC deployed its own agents to monitor the registration process. The IEC responded with legal action, arguing that it alone has the mandate to manage voter registration. The UDC initially prevailed in the High Court but later lost on appeal.
Another concern raised by stakeholders and observer missions relates to the post-voting counting process, in which parliamentary ballot boxes are transported to counting centers, creating potential exposure to interference while in transit. Electoral law, however, provides a detailed framework for handling complaints and petitions stemming from disputed results. Despite these concerns, the 2024 general elections were deemed free and fair by regional and international observer missions. After the BDP’s crushing defeat by the UDC, former President Masisi promptly accepted the outcome and pledged a smooth transfer of power, marking an important step in consolidating Botswana’s democracy under Huntington’s two-turnover test.
Free and fair elections
Elected representatives have the power to govern the country effectively, without any organization in Botswana holding unchallengeable powers or veto powers over them. While stakeholders in Botswana’s democratic process may use established forums such as the kgotla institution and parliament to hold the government accountable, they do not wield veto powers to undermine democratic procedures. The constitution is the supreme law that establishes state institutions and defines their powers and functions.
Effective power to govern
Botswana’s constitution enshrines civil liberties and human rights, including freedom of association and assembly – the right to join and participate in social, religious or political groups. While there are no formal legal restrictions on the exercise of these rights, there have been instances in which the state deployed police to disperse Bangwato kgotla meetings, suspecting that the gatherings were being used to discuss political issues, particularly those related to their then self-exiled chief. More importantly, the state makes it unlawful to discuss political issues in the kgotla institution. Nevertheless, independent and civic groups generally continue to enjoy freedom of association and assembly.
Association / assembly rights
In addition to other rights, the constitution guarantees freedom of expression. Journalists and media outlets generally operate freely, and a diverse print and broadcast sector – particularly private media – has expanded in recent years. The absence of a freedom of information law, however, continues to limit the full exercise of free expression and investigative journalism. Self-censorship has also constrained private outlets, which at times avoid publishing stories viewed as unfavorable to the government to protect revenue from state advertising. There have been instances of state censorship affecting the ability of public media and journalists to report on alleged corruption involving political elites. In a bid to silence journalists, the government sought to pass the controversial Criminal Procedure and Evidence Bill, which would have authorized state agents to intercept private communications without a court order. Nevertheless, journalists are not physically harassed or imprisoned for expressing their views.
Freedom of expression
Botswana’s constitution establishes three branches of government: the executive, the legislature and the judiciary, assigning each specific powers and functions. The separation of powers, however, is implied rather than absolute. There have been instances in which the executive has interfered in judicial processes, including influencing the empanelment of judges. At the height of a dispute between the state and the Balete tribe over a contested farm, the former president reportedly told the paramount chief to allow him to resolve the matter and warned that he could influence the selection of judges if she did not step aside. According to Mokwape (2024), the judiciary has been tainted by controversy, and the former ruling Botswana Democratic Party has been accused – particularly during the previous presidency – of interference. Allegations of tribalism, favoritism and forum shopping have further placed the judiciary under sustained scrutiny.
Parliament also remains subordinate to the executive, particularly in matters of budgeting and staffing, undermining its independence. In addition, Botswana’s parliamentary system limits the ability of cabinet ministers who sit in parliament to question one another because of the doctrine of collective responsibility.
Separation of powers
Botswana has an elaborate, structured judicial and legal system that consists of magistrates’ courts, industrial courts, high courts and a high court of appeal. The constitution establishes the judiciary as separate from the other arms of government and empowers it to interpret the law. Therefore, Botswana’s judiciary enjoys relative independence from other state organs. However, in the recent past, the judiciary’s independence has come under scrutiny due to instances of encroachment by the executive. These include presidential influence over the impanelment of judges and involvement in the appointment of judges to the bench. Botswana’s judicial crisis was highlighted by a boycott of the opening of the legal year by the Law Society of Botswana (LSB) in 2024. The LSB cited several issues, including the writing of judgments by some judges on behalf of other judges, the issuing of default judgments and reports of bribery.
Independent judiciary
In principle, the legal system is meant to prosecute and hold all individuals, including officeholders, accountable for corruption. In practice, however, those in positions of power often evade justice through political influence or legal and procedural loopholes. A case in point is former President Ian Khama, who had faced 14 criminal charges, including corruption and possession of unlicensed firearms. Following his recent return from self-imposed exile in South Africa, all charges against him were dropped and his weapons were returned.
Prosecution of office abuse
Section 3 of Botswana’s constitution protects fundamental human and civil rights. Citizens generally have access to the justice system, though to varying degrees because of legal costs. The rule of law remains a cornerstone of Botswana’s democracy, ensuring equality before the law, due process and the presumption of innocence until proven guilty. Botswana has established a functioning legal system, with lower and higher courts through which citizens can seek redress for rights violations. The constitution also prohibits discrimination based on sex, religion, identity and political orientation. The landmark case brought by Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals of Botswana, which sought registration with the Societies Register, reflects the recognition of civil rights. The Court of Appeal ruled in favor of the group, known as LEGABIBO, finding that the refusal to register it was unlawful and violated the rights of its members. Delays in implementing the ruling, however, have raised concerns about the state’s commitment to civil rights. Another case that damaged Botswana’s image involved an elderly man from the San community whose body remained in a mortuary for two years after the former BDP government refused to allow his burial in the Central Kalahari Game Reserve (CKGR). The decision by the new administration to bury the man, Pitseng Gaoberekwe, in the CKGR has offered a measure of hope and may help restore confidence in Botswana’s commitment to upholding civil rights.
Civil rights
Botswana has established, functional democratic institutions, including the executive, legislature and judiciary, as well as widely dispersed administrative structures. Botswana is a unitary state with central and local governments that deliver services even to remote settlements. Despite bureaucratic red tape and some inefficiencies, these institutions generally perform their functions without significant friction. The civil service is largely politically neutral, although some political appointments have at times overridden merit.
Performance of democratic institutions
Democratic institutions enjoy legitimacy among actors in Botswana’s political process. Individuals, political parties, civil society and state security agencies accept Botswana’s democratic institutions despite their political, social or religious differences. The smooth transition following the BDP’s loss to the UDC in the 2024 elections solidifies Botswana’s commitment to democratic institutions and processes.
Commitment to democratic institutions
A multiparty system that allows for the existence of competing political parties is a defining feature of Botswana’s democracy. Until the 2024 elections, however, the country largely functioned as a dominant-party system, with the Botswana Democratic Party retaining power since independence. This dynamic shifted with the Umbrella for Democratic Change’s dramatic victory in the 2024 general elections. The party system is stable and socially rooted, with moderate fragmentation and polarization. Political parties are generally free to articulate and aggregate societal interests. The prolonged absence of alternation in power before 2024 suggests that voter volatility had been moderate. In the 2024 elections, however, voter volatility increased markedly, as reflected in the turnover of government.
In ideological terms, the BDP is commonly characterized as a liberal-conservative party because of its pro-market policies. The UDC and the Botswana Congress Party are generally described as social democratic.
Party system
Botswana’s civic space accommodates a wide range of interest groups, including unions, professional associations and loose social movements that seek to influence political leaders on issues such as corruption. The large number of such groups, however, has fostered competition for government attention, often weakening civil society and enabling domination by a few powerful interests. Civil society organizations are generally fragmented and rarely collaborate, reflecting their diverse priorities. Cooperation is further undermined by resource constraints and funding asymmetries, as some groups are able to secure support and pursue their agendas independently. An exception occurred when several organizations jointly produced a policy paper on Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 4, which sought to reform sections of the constitution, marking a notable step toward greater cooperation.
Although interest groups are free to operate, they do not seek to undermine democracy. Many, however, face financial and capacity constraints that limit the effectiveness with which they represent their members’ interests and advance specific causes.
Interest groups
Public support for democracy remains high in Botswana. Afrobarometer’s Round 9 survey shows that about three-quarters, or 75%, of respondents prefer democracy to any other form of government. At the same time, only 3 in 10, or 30%, say they are satisfied with how democracy functions in the country. On confidence in democratic institutions, the survey finds that about half of Batswana express trust in them. Specifically, 47% say they trust the president, 55% the National Assembly, 56% local government, 79% the military, 68% the police, 73% the courts, 50% the national electoral commission, 60% the opposition and 42% the ruling party.
Approval of democracy
Round nine of the Afrobarometer public opinion survey indicates that 74% of Batswana say they trust other citizens. This indicates a fairly high level of trust among the population. In terms of civic engagement, there is a proliferation of civil society movements that citizens are free to join. According to the Afrobarometer survey, 82% of citizens say they are free to join any political organization. Botswana’s strong social capital is also due to its culture of using dialogue to resolve conflicts. This culture was solidified by the kgotla institution, which served as a platform to manage conflict through dialogue. This rich heritage, along with the role played by chiefs in their respective tribes, contributed immensely to strong communities and the nation-state.
Social capital
Poverty is one of Botswana’s most pressing problem. The UNDP reports that Botswana’s multidimensional poverty score is 0.073. The vast majority of Batswana living in abject poverty reside in rural areas, where employment opportunities are scarce.
Statistics Botswana reports that 60% of rural households face severe food insecurity.
Another challenge is economic exclusion, despite government efforts to pursue nationwide development. Segments of the population, particularly in rural areas, remain excluded from development and participation in the economy. Statistics Botswana attributes this exclusion to factors including economic change, COVID-19 and demographic shifts. Although women continue to lag behind men in economic participation, there are no structurally induced exclusions from economic opportunity based on race, ethnicity or gender. Botswana ranks among the countries with the highest levels of income and wealth inequality globally, with a Gini coefficient of 53.3.
Socioeconomic barriers
Although Botswana’s economy remains heavily dominated by the state, it operates largely as a free market that encourages private sector participation and competition. Prices are, for the most part, determined by supply and demand, with limited government intervention.
Because the private sector is small, the government has sought to attract foreign direct investment to expand private participation and support economic development. There are generally no major barriers to market entry, business ownership or the movement of goods.
To encourage private sector growth, the government recently relaxed regulations to improve the ease of doing business, including online company registration, tax holidays and the repatriation of profits by foreign firms. The Heritage Foundation’s 2024 Index of Economic Freedom rates Botswana at 66.0 for business freedom and 78.8 for trade freedom.
The informal sector remains small but is expanding, particularly in agriculture, following the vegetable import ban introduced to curb the import bill and boost local production. The ban has since been lifted after the change of government. The informal sector contributes 5.3% of GDP and, according to the International Labour Organization’s 2023 report, accounts for 76% of employment. It also plays an important role in economic diversification and offers a pathway to accelerating private sector growth.
Market organization
Botswana has a functional legal framework that, among other things, promotes fair market competition and prevents cartels from colluding to fix prices. The Competition and Consumer Authority is the body set up to guard against unfair competitive practices, promote fair competition and protect consumers against monopolies. There is no discrimination between domestic and foreign businesses in the implementation of laws. However, enforcing competition laws against some businesses poses challenges, especially in real estate. These challenges include inadequate monitoring by the Competition and Consumer Authority of businesses that become monopolies, especially in the informal sector. A typical example occurred when one of Botswana’s largest motor mogul businesses entered the same market, competing with informal traders who eke out a living by selling internal chicken parts. This attracted criticism and complaints from some members of society, who saw it as likely to stifle ordinary informal traders.
Competition policy
Foreign trade is liberalized to a significant degree in Botswana’s economy. This is due to the government’s commitment to diversify the economy and create employment opportunities. To spur economic growth, the government has increasingly attracted foreign direct investment over the years to allow foreign companies to set up businesses in Botswana. Moreover, Botswana is a member of the Southern African Customs Union, which, among other objectives, promotes the movement of goods among member states and the integration of member states into the global market through trade and investment. As a member of the Southern African Development Community Free Trade Area, Botswana is committed to free, liberalized trade. According to WTO tariff profiles, the simple average most-favored-nation applied score for Botswana is 7.5 as of 2023. However, the country still has some non-tariff barriers to foreign and domestic trade in some commodities, including beef exports.
Liberalization of foreign trade
The banking system in Botswana is functional and solid. Botswana’s laws permit the establishment of local and international banks under the supervision of the Bank of Botswana, the central bank responsible for managing fiscal and monetary policy. The bank requires financial institutions to maintain proper records to ensure compliance with the Banking Act. Nonbank financial institutions and capital markets are regulated by the Non-Banking Financial Regulatory Authority (NBFIRA), which operates autonomously from government but cooperates closely with it on data sharing. For example, NBFIRA has signed a memorandum of understanding with the Botswana Investment and Trade Center to facilitate information exchange.
According to the Bank of Botswana, the capital adequacy ratio stood at 20% in 2022. As of September 2024, non-performing loans accounted for 3.4% of total loans. The 2024 budget speech outlined key financial-sector reforms, including amendments to the Value Added Tax Act and Transfer Duty Act, revisions to the Banking Act and NBFIRA’s efforts to align regulatory and supervisory frameworks with international standards. Although Botswana’s Banking Act is broadly aligned with the Basel Accords and the country is a signatory to the Basel framework, some recommendations remain unimplemented. The International Monetary Fund reported in 2024 that the regulatory framework requires further updates to reflect recent Basel norms, guidance and principles, particularly in the area of risk management.
Banking system
The Bank of Botswana is responsible for monetary and fiscal policy and operates independently of the executive. It promotes transparency through the publication of annual reports, some of which are publicly available.
The bank targets an inflation range of 3% to 6% and has largely kept inflation within this band, despite external shocks that at times pushed prices higher. The Russia-Ukraine war, for example, contributed to global increases in commodity prices, including oil and grain. According to the Bank of Botswana’s Monetary Policy Report, inflation fell to about 3% from 6.1% in the second quarter of 2023 and remained around 3% in 2024.
On exchange-rate management, the bank implements policy to maintain the competitiveness of domestic industry. Its Monetary Policy Report shows that the nominal effective exchange rate of the pula depreciated by 1.5% in the year through July 2024.
Botswana is a member of the Southern African Customs Union (SACU), one of the world’s oldest customs and monetary unions. SACU, however, does not shape Botswana’s monetary policy. Raad and Makiwa (2024) note that, except for Botswana, all SACU members are part of the Common Monetary Area, which allows the South African rand to be fully convertible in those countries.
Monetary stability
Botswana’s fiscal position has been weakened by a global downturn in diamond sales, the Russia-Ukraine war and the lingering effects of COVID-19. The 2024 budget speech reported total revenue and grants of BWP 74.1 billion, or 28% of GDP, and total expenditure of BWP 74 billion, or 34.2% of GDP, including recurrent spending of 59.71 billion pula, against a budgeted 60.12 billion. Development expenditure stood at BWP 14.28 billion, compared with a budget of BWP 16.43 billion. For the 2023/24 financial year, revised estimates showed a smaller budget deficit of BWP 7.13 billion, about 6% of GDP, lower than in the original budget. The government reiterated its commitment to strengthening fiscal sustainability through higher revenue collection and cuts to spending and leakages.
Botswana’s current account balance was BWP 7.4 billion. Public debt stood at 20% of GDP, estimated at BWP 71 billion ($5.3 billion) in 2024.
According to the Bank of Botswana, total expenditure and net lending amounted to BWP 82.31 billion, below the revised budget of BWP 89.65 billion ($6.6 billion) or 92% for the 2023/24 financial year. Government consumption was reported at $1.631 billion in September 2024. Total foreign reserves stood at $1.631 billion in September 2024. Total foreign reserves stood at BWP 57.8 billion.
The balance of payments recorded a surplus of BWP 5.1 billion, driven by a current account surplus of BWP 7.4 billion, while foreign exchange reserves were reported at BWP 64.9 billion. Total external debt amounted to 9.5% of GDP and domestic debt to 10.7%, levels the budget speech described as low. To finance structural deficits, the government secured six budget-support loans and introduced a debt-management strategy to guide future investment decisions and manage risk.
Fiscal stability
Botswana’s constitution enshrines and safeguards the right to own property. Under Chapter 2, citizens and investors have the right to acquire, use and dispose of property. Property rights are guaranteed not only in law but also in practice. Section 8(1) states that no property may be compulsorily taken and that no interest in or right over property may be compulsorily acquired.
Private property is further protected through provisions that prohibit searches or entry onto a person’s premises without consent. Section 9(1) provides that, except with an individual’s consent, no person shall be subjected to a search of their person or property or to entry by others onto their premises. The 2015 land policy was amended in 2020 under President Mokgweetsi Masisi to grant married women the right to own land, a reform widely welcomed for advancing gender equality in land ownership. Income disparities between men and women, however, continue to leave women at a disadvantage in purchasing land.
Property rights
Botswana’s free-market economy allows private firms to establish and operate in the country. The government’s drive to attract foreign direct investment has resulted in more business- and investor-friendly policies, including streamlined company registration and shorter visa processing times. The 2024 budget speech notes that the government supports the private sector through business environment reforms and value chain development. However, the privatization of state-owned companies has stagnated, despite their poor performance and overreliance on government subvention. In May 2019, the Public Enterprises Evaluation and Privatization Agency hired Minchin & Kelly and Deloitte as consultants to assess the Botswana Meat Commission, value the enterprise and develop a privatization strategy, with completion initially expected by September that year. The process has since dragged on with limited progress. The abattoir has failed to generate profits in recent years and has repeatedly required government bailouts.
As a result, economic diversification and growth have slowed. As of 2024, the private sector’s contribution to GDP was 26.9% (IMF, 2024).
Private enterprise
Most social safety programs in Botswana are provided by the state to cushion vulnerable citizens from poverty.
The public health system is widely accessible to citizens and noncitizens. Despite recent challenges, including medicine shortages, most people can reach a public health facility within a 5-kilometer radius. The government provides an old-age pension to about 137,773 beneficiaries, and the 2024 budget increased social safety coverage to 13.8% of GDP. The scope of existing programs includes: Old Age Pension Allowance; Destitute Cash Allowance; World War II Veteran Allowance; Disability Cash Allowance; and BWP 130 per member, per sitting for Village Development Committees allowances. According to the IMF, social safety programs encompass nearly 30 distinct social assistance, labor market and social insurance programs, all supervised by 10 ministries and government bodies. The Botswana Daily News (2023) put the number of beneficiaries at 307,638.
However, Botswana lacks a comprehensive social safety system to protect the unemployed and people with disabilities. Existing programs are often implemented unevenly and are not consistently monitored to ensure value for money. A significant share of the population remains vulnerable to poverty, and noncitizens have limited access to available social safety nets.
Social safety nets
Botswana’s legal framework, particularly the constitution, prohibits discrimination based on gender, ethnicity, race or religion. In principle, the law provides for equality of opportunity, including equal access to education for boys and girls and to employment. The female-to-male enrollment ratio in primary schools is 1.09. In tertiary education, the ratio stood at 1.39 in 2023, unchanged from 2022, indicating that more women than men are enrolled. In the labor market, however, the World Bank reports that women accounted for 59.9% of the labor force, compared with 69.4% for men, suggesting that efforts toward gender parity remain ongoing. Although the government has pledged to promote gender equality by increasing the number of women in senior positions, women continue to be under-represented in political institutions such as parliament.
Equal opportunity
Botswana’s economic development, which underpinned its status as an upper-middle-income country around 2005, has recently weakened amid slower growth, rising poverty and widening inequality. Economic performance has been hampered by the mining sector’s poor showing, driven by declining diamond revenues, and the economy remains largely undiversified despite government efforts.
In recent years, Botswana’s economic performance has been susceptible to external shocks, including weak global diamond demand, the lingering effects of COVID-19 and the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. These challenges have led to higher inflation, slower economic growth, rising unemployment and price instability. According to the 2024 Budget Speech, GDP growth averaged 2.9%. According to the World Bank, GDP per capita growth was 1.1% as of 2023. Total revenue amounted to BWP 74.1 billion. GDP per capita was $7,341. Regarding foreign direct investment net flows, the World Bank reported that, as of 2023, FDI accounted for 3.4% of GDP. The 2024 Budget Speech indicated that, in the first nine months of 2023, the current account had a surplus of BWP 5.1 billion, driven by increased SACU receipts and mineral proceeds.
However, the 2024 Budget Speech noted a budget deficit of BWP 7.13 billion, even though the government has worked over the years to achieve a balanced budget. Foreign exchange reserves stood at BWP 64.90 billion, which were equivalent to nine months of import cover.
Despite economic challenges, the inflation rate was held at 2.9%, but unemployment rose from 22.2% to 25.9%, underscoring the need for stronger job-creation measures. More than 40,000 graduates are unemployed, and Statistics Botswana reported an unemployment rate of 27.6% in 2024.
Global headwinds also weighed on output, with the economy recording zero growth in the 12 months through March 2024. The Bank of Botswana reported that mining-sector GDP contracted by 6.5% over the same period, reversing growth of 5.1% in the year to March 2023. The government has pledged to curb spending leakages and strengthen revenue collection as part of its recovery strategy.
Output strength
The Botswana government has committed to pursuing development while taking environmental sustainability into account. Measures include requiring businesses to obtain environmental impact assessment licenses through a rigorous application process to ensure compliance. Botswana has also pledged to cut carbon dioxide emissions, ratifying the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change in 1994 and the Kyoto Protocol in 2003, and committing to reduce emissions by 15% by 2030. In 2024, the country submitted its nationally determined contributions under Article 4.9 of the Paris Agreement.
Commitment to the sustainable use of natural resources is outlined in Vision 2036. Acknowledging the effects of climate change, Botswana adopted a National Adaptation Plan Framework in 2018 to guide national adaptation efforts and integrate climate considerations into relevant policies. In 2021, the government adopted a climate change policy aimed at promoting climate-smart agriculture, poverty reduction, resilience-building, tourism diversification, local economic development and environmental sustainability.
On renewable energy, Botswana introduced a National Energy Policy in 2021 to guide the management and development of the energy sector and promote energy self-sufficiency through renewable sources. The policy followed periods of unreliable energy supply that disrupted economic activity.
Enforcement of environmental commitments, however, remains uneven, particularly against illegal sand mining, deforestation and activities that contribute to air pollution. Oversight is often hampered by weak control measures to deter environmentally harmful practices.
Environmental policy
Botswana continues to allocate a substantial share of GDP to education, underscoring the government’s commitment to human capital and economic development. Education received 15.54 billion pula, or 24.4% of the annual recurrent budget. In addition to expanding school infrastructure nationwide, the government has raised net primary school enrollment to 89% for both boys and girls.
The country’s overall adult literacy rate is among the highest in the region, at 86.8%. Youth literacy is 97.4%.
Despite these gains, Botswana lags in investment in research and development that could generate innovative solutions to its development challenges. The education system is largely publicly funded, with limited private sector support. Government resources are concentrated on primary, secondary and undergraduate education, with comparatively little funding for postgraduate studies. Private sector scholarships remain scarce, placing additional pressure on public finances. Average R&D spending stands at 0.561% of GDP.
Botswana has taken steps to strengthen intellectual property protection by establishing the Companies and Intellectual Property Authority (CIPA).
Education / R&D policy
Botswana has made progress in political and socioeconomic development since the early 1990s. Prudent economic management has earned the country a strong regional and international reputation and enabled successive governments to govern with relatively few constraints. The country nonetheless continues to face high levels of poverty and unemployment, which place pressure on the state to expand social support. Recurrent droughts have also hampered efforts to develop the agricultural sector.
Botswana’s landlocked geography further constrains the growth of local industries, particularly in the pursuit of food security and economic diversification. Relations with South Africa were recently strained by former President Mokgweetsi Masisi’s decision to impose a ban on vegetable and dairy imports. The subsequent lifting of the ban is expected to ease tensions and improve trade relations with South Africa.
Structural constraints
Botswana’s civil society remains relatively weak for several reasons. Although civic associations have grown since the early 1990s, they remain fragmented and poorly organized, limiting their ability to engage the government effectively. Civic culture is also constrained by Botswana’s history of avoiding radical politics and conflict, unlike other countries in the region that fought for independence. At the same time, this absence of radical politics has helped sustain peace and political stability. Tswana traditions of resolving disputes through dialogue further reinforce stability, even as they temper the assertiveness of civil society.
Civil society organizations are also poorly resourced and depend heavily on government funding, which weakens their capacity to influence policy. Many are required to register under different ministries as a condition for support and coordination, contributing to weak social capital and divisions within the sector. On a positive note, civil society has recently played a more visible role by opposing a constitutional amendment bill and issuing a statement against proposals to increase presidential retirement benefits under the Masisi administration. These actions reflect a shift toward more direct political engagement, including advocacy campaigns and peaceful marches. In terms of social trust, Batswana still trust one another to a large extent, as illustrated by – among other actions – the formation of neighborhood watch groups and participation in rotating savings and credit schemes.
Civil society traditions
Botswana’s political stability since independence has underpinned its strong international reputation. The absence of post-election violence, a tradition of accepting electoral outcomes and a deeply rooted culture of resolving disputes through dialogue help explain the country’s low levels of social conflict. Society is not sharply polarized along major cleavage lines, nor mobilized in large groups to challenge state authority. The lack of a widespread gun-ownership culture has also limited the proliferation of small arms that could otherwise fuel violence.
Conflict intensity
The government sets strategic long-term development goals encapsulated in the country’s District Development Plans, National Development Plans and Vision 2036. These plans prioritize infrastructure development across the country, while Vision 2036 embodies the country’s long-term goals, which include, among others, the aspiration to transform Botswana from an upper-middle-income country to a high-income country. The Ministry of Finance and Development Planning is the authority that drives Botswana’s development priorities. According to the Ministry of Finance, National Development Plans guide the overall development of the country. They contain government strategies to be undertaken over the plan period. Programs and projects to implement these strategies are also included in the plan. The plan contains estimates of revenue expected over the entire period as well as expenditure and manpower growth projections. Since independence, the government has been able to set its strategic goals without interference from powerful economic interests, lobbies, foreign governments or donors. In recent years, however, short-term political objectives have at times taken precedence over development planning, resulting in heavy spending on social programs with limited monitoring, evaluation or return on investment. This has weighed on the government investment account and foreign reserves. The BDP government pledged to improve the agricultural sector, specifically the beef industry, by improving the quality of cattle breeds.
The government has also sought to promote local industry and small enterprises through a range of financial support programs for citizen-owned businesses.
Prioritization
Guided by the national development plans, the BDP government was able to implement its strategic goals to some extent. The executive, through the civil service, is the arm of government that implements policies and laws. However, in recent years, policy implementation has been beset by short-term political goals, resulting in some projects being halted. For example, the previous Botswana Democratic Party administration spent money recklessly on projects, including giving citizens money for business startups without due diligence or proper monitoring and evaluation. One such example was the importation of cattle from Texas to boost the agricultural sector through artificial insemination. Reports indicate that some of the imported cattle failed to adapt to local climatic conditions and died. Despite investments totaling millions of pula, there has been no public accounting of progress or return on investment. Several projects were launched with ceremonial groundbreakings but later lacked continuity in execution. The opposition in the 12th Parliament sought to hold the government to account by questioning ministers on these issues.
Implementation
The government has attempted to remain flexible and adaptive in its policy implementation. The Botswana Institute for Development and Policy Analysis, for example, periodically publishes research on government programs to inform decision-making, including monitoring and evaluation of social and development initiatives. However, the government’s bureaucratic and rigid nature sometimes undermines its ability to adapt and implement key reforms.
Moreover, Botswana’s government also engages in regional and international benchmarking to learn from best practices elsewhere. In April 2024, the Bank of Botswana undertook a benchmarking visit to the Bahamas focused on digital currency transformation. Other examples include legal reforms aimed at strengthening political competition. In February 2024, the minister of finance announced a 34 million-pula budget allocation for political party funding. Although the measure was not implemented before the elections, it signaled a willingness to engage in policy learning.
On March 20, 2024, the government announced the start of trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area following publication of tariff concessions and rules of origin for imports from participating members, ending several years of delay.
Botswana has yet to fully leverage its technology and innovation centers or academic research to develop evidence-based policy. Collaboration with universities remains limited, constraining policy learning.
Policy learning
Botswana has long prioritized investment in human capital to build a skilled workforce and generally makes effective use of its human, financial and organizational resources to pursue development goals. The Directorate of Public Service Management is responsible for merit-based recruitment into the public service. The previous administration, however, saw a rise in political appointments – particularly in the diplomatic service – at the expense of career diplomats.
In terms of financial resources, the National Development Plan, developed by the Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, is the country’s guidepost for development priorities. The Finance Ministry also prepares budget estimates for each financial year, which are approved by parliament. However, in the recent past, the country’s budget has recorded deficits due to poor diamond sales. This was compounded by some political projects that resulted in unplanned and unbudgeted government spending. This has led to inefficiencies arising from deviations between approved budgets and actual expenditures. Administratively, Botswana operates a unitary system of central and local government. Although some services have been decentralized, local authorities remain heavily dependent on central government financing, limiting their autonomy. Overall, the public service aims to function professionally and remains largely politically neutral, but reform efforts are often slowed by bureaucratic rigidity and resistance to organizational change.
Efficient use of assets
Established, functioning government institutions generally ensure that competing policy goals can be coordinated. The hierarchical and bureaucratic structure of government, which clearly delineates the responsibilities of each agency, supports policy coordination. In recent years, the government has sought to rationalize departments with overlapping mandates to reduce conflict and duplication. For example, parastatals such as the Botswana Institute of Technology, Research and Innovation and the Botswana Innovation Hub are slated for merger. Examples of policy coherence include the government’s decision to import cattle breeds from Texas to improve the agricultural sector, especially cattle breeding. Although this conflicted with the vegetable import ban imposed by the BDP government under Masisi, the government’s overall objective was to improve local agricultural production.
Policy coordination
Botswana has established a legal framework and institutions to combat corruption. The Corruption and Economic Crime Act created the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Crime (DCEC), which pursues a three-pronged strategy of investigation, prevention and public education. The DCEC’s effectiveness, however, is constrained by its limited autonomy from the executive, as its director is appointed by and reports to the president. Moreover, the DCEC only investigates and hands over dockets to the Directorate of Public Prosecutions (DPP), which determines whether to proceed with charges. This arrangement has hampered anti-corruption efforts, and in recent years dockets involving alleged grand corruption by politically exposed persons have remained pending at the DPP, raising concerns about low prosecution and conviction rates. Under Section 124 of the constitution, the auditor-general is responsible for auditing government accounts.
However, transparency in government procurement has been compromised by the direct appointment of companies, sometimes by the Office of the President, bypassing the Public Procurement and Asset Disposal Board. Botswana does not provide public funding for political parties, increasing vulnerability to money-laundering risks as parties rely on private sources of support. The absence of freedom of information legislation further weakens transparency and accountability. Although a whistleblower law exists, it does not adequately protect individuals from retaliation or threats.
Anti-corruption policy
Democracy remains a preferred form of government among major political actors in Botswana. Major actors include political parties, civil society organizations, ordinary citizens and business interests. According to an Afrobarometer survey, three-quarters (75%) of Batswana prefer democracy to all other forms of government.
Regarding the market economy, there is a consensus among all major actors that a free market is the ideal way to organize the economy. Botswana remains open to foreign direct investment, allowing businesses to set up and operate. The government has taken the lead in attracting foreign investors as part of its economic diversification strategy. However, some political parties favor a more social democratic approach to organizing the economy. These include the Botswana Congress Party and, to some extent, the Umbrella for Democratic Change.
Consensus on goals
Generally, Botswana does not have anti-democratization groups or veto actors that challenge or disrupt reforms. There is societal consensus on the democratic processes and institutions that lead reform efforts. Political actors who hold the government accountable, such as the opposition, may be co-opted, but not because they oppose democratic reforms. However, it is important to note that some anti-reform attempts were evident under the previous BDP government, such as opposition to freedom-of-expression laws. These were generally acts of political expediency, since the reforms were proposed by the then-opposition.
Anti-democratic actors
Cleavage-based conflict is generally not characteristic of Botswana society. The degree of nationhood achieved since independence is sufficient to avert conflict along cleavage lines. Apart from the political fallout between former Presidents Ian Khama and Mokgweetsi Masisi – which also degenerated into tribal and regional conflicts – the political leadership has not been confronted with such conflicts. The use of the kgotla institution and a general belief in constitutional norms to resolve differences remain intact in Botswana. Historically, the kgotla served as an assembly for decision-making. It also provided a venue to resolve disputes arising within families and communities. Moreover, sentences such as corporal punishment for some offenses were, and still are, administered in the kgotla. This makes the institution sacrosanct in conflict management.
Cleavage / conflict management
Political leaders rarely consult civil society, particularly on policymaking, decision-making, implementation and performance monitoring. The Budget Pitso remains the most prominent consultative forum through which civil society is engaged during budget preparation. Beyond this, consultations in kgotla meetings tend to be superficial and focused on informing communities of decisions already taken. It is therefore unusual for civil society to be meaningfully involved in budget formulation, despite the existence of the Budget Pitso.
Public consultation
Botswana has not experienced major historical injustices that its political leadership must resolve.
Reconciliation
Botswana values international cooperation in pursuing its political and economic objectives, as set out in the Transitional National Development Plan and Vision 2036. Politically, the country seeks to improve the quality of its democracy by increasing electoral participation, reforming the constitution and strengthening the integrity of the judiciary to uphold the rule of law. Economically, the government is committed to transitioning toward a knowledge-based economy. As one of the key development-cooperation initiatives to achieve a knowledge economy, the UNDP collaborated with the University of Botswana and the Botswana International University for Science and Technology to launch the University Innovation POD (UNIPOD). Collaboration between Botswana and the German Development Cooperation resulted in the publication of a book in 2023 on regional integration in SADC. The collaborative book project represented an effort to contribute to Botswana’s democracy in a regional context by also drawing on experiences of other SADC states. The political leadership embraces development partners such as the United Nations Development Programme and the German Development Cooperation to assist with its development goals. For instance, the government has a cooperation strategy with development partners such as the World Health Organization, spanning the period from 2024 to 2027, to provide Botswana with technical and financial support in the health sector. Botswana also benefits from scholarships offered through embassies of partner countries. The political leadership routinely benchmarks against international best practices, although uptake is sometimes slowed by bureaucratic inertia. Botswana has clear aims of political and economic development as contained in its Transitional National Development Plans and long-term National Vision 2036. Thus, in implementing these goals, the political leadership also uses international assistance.
Effective use of support
Botswana maintains strong international credibility and is widely regarded as a reliable partner. This is reflected in its adherence to international agreements, including the Paris Agreement, the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol. In 2024, the government submitted updated nationally determined contributions in line with the Paris framework, which calls on parties to update NDCs every five years. Moreover, Botswana continues to respect U.N. and ILO conventions on labor rights and honors its foreign debt payments. As a result, the country enjoys credibility and reliability with the international community. For strategic reasons, Botswana largely distances itself from conflicts in the Middle East or the Russia-Ukraine war. The country maintains friendly relations with western powers, including the United States and the United Kingdom.
Credibility
Botswana’s political leadership strongly supports regional integration, as reflected in its commitment to the Southern African Development Community, the Southern African Customs Union and the African Union. The government has contributed troops to the SADC mission in Mozambique to help stabilize the country’s north during a conflict that threatened regional security. It also remains committed to good-neighborly relations and cooperation through regional and international organizations. Botswana hosts the SADC headquarters and the SADC Electoral Commissions Forum Office as part of its regional commitments.
Moreover, Botswana’s BDP-led government took steps to improve the interregional free movement of people by introducing the use of identity cards for travel to Namibia. This policy means citizens of both countries no longer need a passport to enter either country. Masisi also worked to improve strained relations with Zimbabwe by attempting to introduce the use of identity cards for entry into the two countries, though the policy has not yet been implemented. These efforts signify Botswana’s commitment to intraregional trade by relaxing travel restrictions. In 2024, the Botswana government also collaborated with other countries in the region and with international partners, including GIZ and the European Union, to promote water security.
Regional cooperation
Botswana’s outlook under the new government is shaped by persistent socioeconomic challenges, including unemployment, inflation, high-level corruption, inequality, slow economic growth, food insecurity and gender-based violence. President Duma Boko has pledged to create about 450,000 jobs, and the administration is expected to intensify efforts to attract foreign direct investment to reduce reliance on the public sector for employment. Greater investment in infrastructure, manufacturing and agriculture could help generate jobs and address food security challenges. The UDC government has also promised a forensic audit of government systems and institutions following public concern over alleged grand corruption in parastatals and the recovery of funds reportedly misappropriated under the previous administration. Although Boko has said the exercise is intended to restore public trust rather than target individuals, the process is expected to include demands for the return of stolen public funds. Reinvesting recovered resources in infrastructure and other priority areas will be critical to restoring confidence and signaling zero tolerance for corruption.
Redressing inequalities is a key priority of Boko’s government, and in addition to the measures proposed above, the government must intensify efforts to privatize inefficient public enterprises that continue to depend heavily on government subsidies. A record 60 or more state enterprises are dependent on the government, many of them operating at a loss while maintaining high wage bills. This contributes to inequalities in the distribution of resources. Some also function as monopolies, discouraging competition and driving up prices. As a result, the privatization of entities such as the Botswana Power Corporation, Botswana Meat Commission and Water Utilities Corporation is under consideration. Strengthening food security will also require investment in irrigation systems and agricultural technology to revive the sector and boost GDP.
Socially, the country is reeling from a surge in gender-based violence (GBV) and has recently been considered among the countries with the highest rates of GBV worldwide. Civil society organizations have urged the government to declare GBV a national emergency and allocate additional resources to combat the problem. While the president and his cabinet have condemned violence, the administration faces pressure to adopt a coordinated, multisector response, including public awareness campaigns, the construction of shelters for survivors, expanded support services, research to inform policy and the establishment of early-warning mechanisms. Promoting a culture of accountability in government and society and integrating social and moral responsibility into education could also help foster long-term change.